August 25, 2010
"One often hears that the true message of the Eurozone crisis is that not only the Euro, but the project of the united Europe itself is dead. But before endorsing this general statement, one should add a Leninist twist to it: Europe is dead—OK, but which Europe? The answer is: the post-political Europe of accommodation to the world market, the Europe which was repeatedly rejected at referendums, the Brussels technocratic-expert Europe. The Europe that presents itself as standing for cold European reason against Greek passion and corruption, for mathematics against pathetics. But, utopian as it may appear, the space is still open for another Europe: a re-politicized Europe, founded on a shared emancipatory project; the Europe that gave birth to ancient Greek democracy, to the French and October Revolutions. This is why one should avoid the temptation to react to the ongoing financial crisis with a retreat to fully sovereign nation-states, easy prey for free-floating international capital, which can play one state against the other. More than ever, the reply to every crisis should be more internationalist and universalist than the universality of global capital."

— Slavoj Zizek, NLR 64 (via theguywhoinventedfire)

August 23, 2010
"L’illusio, c’est le fait d’être pris au jeu, d’être pris par le jeu, de croire que le jeu en vaut la chandelle, ou, pour dire les choses simplement, que ça vaut la peine de jouer."

— Pierre Bourdieu, Raisons pratiques, Seuil, coll. Points, 1996, p. 153.

August 23, 2010
An attempt at writing a “Compositionist Manifesto”

“It is in the dramatic atmosphere induced by Cameron’s opera that I want to write a draft of my manifesto. I well know that, just as much as the time of avantgardes or that of the Great Frontier, the time of manifestos has long passed. Actually, it is the time of time that has passed: this strange idea of a vast army moving forward, preceded by the most daring innovators and thinkers, followed by a mass of slower and heavier crowds, while the rearguard of the most archaic, the most primitive, the most reactionary people, trails behind—just like the Navis, trying hopelessly to slow down the inevitable charge forward. During this recently defunct time of time, manifestos were like so many war cries to speed up the movement, ridicule the Philistines, castigate the reactionaries. This huge war-like narrative was predicated on the idea that the flow of time had one—and only one—inevitable and irreversible direction. The war waged by the avant-gardes would be won, no matter how many defeats. What this series of manifestos pointed to was the inevitable march of progress. So much so that they could be used like so many sign posts to decide who was more “progressive” and who was more “reactionary.”

Today, the avant-gardes have all but disappeared, the front line is as impossible to draw as the precise boundaries of terrorist networks, and the well arrayed labels “archaic,” “reactionary,” “progressive” seem to hover haphazardly like a cloud of mosquitoes. If there is one thing that has vanished, it is the idea of a flow of time moving inevitably and irreversibly forward and which could be predicted by clear sighted thinkers. The spirit of the age, if there is such a Zeitgeist, is rather that everything that had been taken for granted in the modernist grand narrative of Progress, is fully reversible and that it is impossible to confide in the clear- ightedness of any one—especially academics. If we needed a proof of that (un)fortunate state of affairs, a look at the recent 2009 Climate Summit in Copenhagen would be enough: at the same time when some, like James Lovelock, argue that it is human civilization itself that is threatened by the “revenge of Gaia” (a good case if any, as we will see later, of a fully reversible flow of time!), the greatest assembly of representatives of the human race manage to sit on their hands for days doing nothing and making no decisions whatsoever. Whom are we supposed to believe: those who say it is a life-threatening event? those who, by doing nothing much, state that it could be handled by business as usual? or those who say that the march of progress should go on, no matter what?

And yet a manifesto might not be so useless at this point, by making explicit (that is, manifest) a subtle but radical transformation in the definition of what it means to progress, that is, to process forward and meet new prospects. Not as a war cry for an avant-garde to go even further and faster ahead, but rather as a warning, a call to attention, so as to stop going further in the same way as before toward the future. The nuance I want to outline is rather that between progress and progressive. It is as if we had to move from an idea of inevitable progress to one of progressive, tentative and precautionary progression. It is still a movement. It is still going forward. But, as I will explain in the third section, the tenor is entirely different. And since it seems impossible to draft a manifesto without a word ending with an –ism (communism, futurism, surrealism, situationism, etc.), I have chosen, to give this manifesto a worthy banner, the word compositionism. Yes, I would like to be able to write “The Compositionist Manifesto” by reverting to an outmoded genre in the grand style of old, beginning by something like: “A specter haunts not only Europe but the world: that of compositionism. All the Powers of the Modernist World have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter!”.”

August 23, 2010
Glitch Studies Manifesto

August 19, 2010
Also also…

Also also…

August 17, 2010
Contention and Contestation: Aesthetic Culture in Kant and Bourdieu

August 3, 2010
"More important than thought is ‘what leads to thought [donne à penser]’; more important than the philosopher is the poet. Victor Hugo writes philosophy in his first poems because he ‘still
thinks, instead of being content, like nature, to lead to thought.’ But the poet learns that what is essential is outside of thought, in what forces us to think” (Proust and Signs, p. 95). As a poetic thinker and as a contemporary Arab, I find these Deleuze words problematically thought-provoking. What is the conscious or unconscious expectation of many—certainly not of Deleuze—in “Developed” regions of the world regarding its “Underdeveloped” regions? It is for the latter to be thought-provoking but fail to think what is thought-provoking, leaving it to others in the “Developed” regions of the world to think it. Arabs as well as others who belong to “Underdeveloped” regions should undo this division of labor. Set against such a reductive expectation, it is all the more fitting for an Arab as well as for someone who hails from other
“underdeveloped” regions of the world to be a poetic thinker rather than a poet. But irrespective of such a context, generally: more important than the philosopher, for example Hegel, and the poet, for example Hugo, is the poetic thinker, for example Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, Blanchot, one whose thinking about his or her mortality, poems, films (for example Coen Brother’s Barton Fink), and the abominable historical conditions in which he or she happens to be living, i.e. about what gives food for thought, about what is thought-provoking, is itself thought-provoking, gives food for thought."

— Jalal Toufic, Undeserving Lebanon, endnote 22

August 2, 2010
please stop buying my friends if you are just going to slowly  kill them (via curate + ewwwitzjojo + negelirelden)

please stop buying my friends if you are just going to slowly kill them (via curate + ewwwitzjojo + negelirelden)

July 22, 2010
"I do not ‘concentrate’ in my reading … either exclusively or primarily on those points that appear to be the most ‘important’, ‘central’, ‘crucial’. Rather, I deconcentrate, and it is the secondary, eccentric, lateral, marginal, parasitic, borderline cases which are ‘important’ to me and are the source of many things, such as pleasure, but also insight into the general functioning of a textual system."

— Jacques Derrida, Limited Inc. (1988) (via gcso + popnihilism + rawsilk + wildcat2030)

July 21, 2010
"I think that the liberal prohibition of enemies [in politics] has a very precise implication: If there are no true enemies, if there is no true struggle in politics, this means that those who really disagree are not simply our enemies, but are excluded from the very scope of humanity, so that anything goes against them. Paradoxically, the first step to recognizing the very humanity of the enemy, should be to fully accept the unavoidability of taking sides in politics. There is then no third place above the struggle."

— Slavoj Zizek, “The Uses and Misuses of Violence” seminar, Nunemaker Hall, Loyola University, Nov. 17, 2009 (via objet-a + theguywhoinventedfire)

July 21, 2010
"…Even the outdated, inconsistent, self-doubting ideas of the older generation are more open to dialogue than the slick stupidity of Junior. Even the neurotic oddities and deformities of our elders stand for character, for something humanly achieved, in comparison to pathic health, infantilism raised to the norm. One realizes with horror that earlier, opposing one’s parents because they represented the world, of one even worse. Unpolitical attempts to break out of the bourgeois family usually lead only to deeper entanglement in it, and it sometimes seems as if the fatal germ-cell of society, the family, were at the same time the nurturing germ-cell of uncompromising pursuit of another. With the family there passes away, while the system lasts, not only the most effective agency of the bourgeoisie, but also the resistance which, though repressing the individual, also strengthened, perhaps even produced him. The end of the family paralyses the forces of opposition. The rising collectivist order is a mockery of a classless one: together with the bourgeois it liquidates the Utopia that once drew sustenance from motherly love."

— T. Adorno, Minima Moralia: Reflections from Damaged Life (1951) (via theparasitichead + easternblocparty)

July 20, 2010
"The history of European atheism, from its Greek and Roman origins in LucretiusDe rerum natura to modern classics like Spinoza, offers a lesson in dignity and courage. Much more than with occasional outbursts of hedonism, it is marked by the awareness of the bitter outcome of every human life, since there is no higher authority watching over our fates and guaranteeing the happy outcome. At the same time, atheists strive to formulate the message of joy which comes not from escaping reality, but from accepting it and creatively finding one’s place in it.

What makes this materialist tradition unique is the way it combines the humble awareness that we are not masters of the universe, but just parts of a much larger whole exposed to contingent twists of fate, with a readiness to accept the heavy burden of responsibility for what we make out of our lives. With the threat of unpredictable catastrophe looming from all sides, isn’t this an attitude needed more than ever in our own times? (…)

What makes modern Europe unique is that it is the first and only civilisation in which atheism is a fully legitimate option, not an obstacle to any public post. This is most emphatically a European legacy worth fighting for.” "

Slavoj ŽižekViolence. Six Sideways Reflections, London: Profile Books, 2008, pp. 117-118. (via msodradek + amiquote)

July 19, 2010
Dare to Quote! On Zizek and Wikipedia

“Reading Slavoj Zizek’s 2010 Living in the End Times book, I noticed the author quoting Wikipedia a number of times. No big deal, you would say but it is significant in the light of the ongoing controversy around Wikipedia as a reliable (academic) source. Zizek is considered a leading intellectual, and arguably Europe’s most famous baby boom philosopher  (b. 1949). This postwar generation entered their professional lives in the age of the (electronic) type writer, well before the introduction of the personal computer. As authors they are the ones that profit from the copyright regimes and are known to have a firm grip on the print media. Even though computer literate (read: they can type) their cultural attitude towards the WWW is ambivalent—if not absent. If a critic like Zizek includes Wikipedia in his verbal stream of consciousness it is a sign of the times that Wikipedia has become an integral part of our media environment.

So far, in the case of Zizek, referenced media have been books, followed by feature films. Forget newspapers, television and radio, or hearsay conversations and correspondences. If Zizek starts telling stories it is based on contemporary myths and current affairs that are supposed to be known to all of us, written down without detailed references. If Zizek starts to theorize he talks aloud, like in a bar, and it is this oral, narrative element that constitutes his philosophy. To include Wikipedia in these rants is part of a significant cultural shift and it is odd that Zizek himself is unaware of this Event.” via @networkpolitics

July 16, 2010
"This is an experiment of acting as if you were dead. […] But what does it mean to be dead, when you are not totally dead? It means that you look at things the way they are as such, you look at the object as such. To perceive the object as such implies that you perceive the object as it is or as it is supposed to be when you are not there. To see the bottle as such means to see the bottle as it would be without me. If I were dead the bottle would remain the same as it is, the colour, the same consistency, and so on. So, to relate to an object as such means to relate to it as if you were dead. That’s the condition of truth, the condition of perception, the condition of objectivity, at least in their most conventional sense."

— Jacques Derrida: As If I were Dead  (via theguywhoinventedfire, fuckyeahphilosophy)