August 25, 2010
"There is no lack of anti-capitalists today. We are even witnessing an overload of critiques of capitalism’s horrors: newspaper investigations, TV reports and best-selling books abound on companies polluting our environment, corrupt bankers who continue to get fat bonuses while their firms are saved by public money, sweatshops where children work overtime. There is, however, a catch to all this criticism, ruthless as it may appear: what is as a rule not questioned is the liberal-democratic framework within which these excesses should be fought. The goal, explicit or implied, is to regulate capitalism—through the pressure of the media, parliamentary inquiries, harsher laws, honest police investigations—but never to question the liberal-democratic institutional mechanisms of the bourgeois state of law. This remains the sacred cow, which even the most radical forms of ‘ethical anti-capitalism’—the Porto Allegre World Social Forum, the Seattle movement—do not dare to touch."

— Slavoj Zizek, NLR 64 (via theguywhoinventedfire)

August 25, 2010
"One often hears that the true message of the Eurozone crisis is that not only the Euro, but the project of the united Europe itself is dead. But before endorsing this general statement, one should add a Leninist twist to it: Europe is dead—OK, but which Europe? The answer is: the post-political Europe of accommodation to the world market, the Europe which was repeatedly rejected at referendums, the Brussels technocratic-expert Europe. The Europe that presents itself as standing for cold European reason against Greek passion and corruption, for mathematics against pathetics. But, utopian as it may appear, the space is still open for another Europe: a re-politicized Europe, founded on a shared emancipatory project; the Europe that gave birth to ancient Greek democracy, to the French and October Revolutions. This is why one should avoid the temptation to react to the ongoing financial crisis with a retreat to fully sovereign nation-states, easy prey for free-floating international capital, which can play one state against the other. More than ever, the reply to every crisis should be more internationalist and universalist than the universality of global capital."

— Slavoj Zizek, NLR 64 (via theguywhoinventedfire)

August 23, 2010
An attempt at writing a “Compositionist Manifesto”

“It is in the dramatic atmosphere induced by Cameron’s opera that I want to write a draft of my manifesto. I well know that, just as much as the time of avantgardes or that of the Great Frontier, the time of manifestos has long passed. Actually, it is the time of time that has passed: this strange idea of a vast army moving forward, preceded by the most daring innovators and thinkers, followed by a mass of slower and heavier crowds, while the rearguard of the most archaic, the most primitive, the most reactionary people, trails behind—just like the Navis, trying hopelessly to slow down the inevitable charge forward. During this recently defunct time of time, manifestos were like so many war cries to speed up the movement, ridicule the Philistines, castigate the reactionaries. This huge war-like narrative was predicated on the idea that the flow of time had one—and only one—inevitable and irreversible direction. The war waged by the avant-gardes would be won, no matter how many defeats. What this series of manifestos pointed to was the inevitable march of progress. So much so that they could be used like so many sign posts to decide who was more “progressive” and who was more “reactionary.”

Today, the avant-gardes have all but disappeared, the front line is as impossible to draw as the precise boundaries of terrorist networks, and the well arrayed labels “archaic,” “reactionary,” “progressive” seem to hover haphazardly like a cloud of mosquitoes. If there is one thing that has vanished, it is the idea of a flow of time moving inevitably and irreversibly forward and which could be predicted by clear sighted thinkers. The spirit of the age, if there is such a Zeitgeist, is rather that everything that had been taken for granted in the modernist grand narrative of Progress, is fully reversible and that it is impossible to confide in the clear- ightedness of any one—especially academics. If we needed a proof of that (un)fortunate state of affairs, a look at the recent 2009 Climate Summit in Copenhagen would be enough: at the same time when some, like James Lovelock, argue that it is human civilization itself that is threatened by the “revenge of Gaia” (a good case if any, as we will see later, of a fully reversible flow of time!), the greatest assembly of representatives of the human race manage to sit on their hands for days doing nothing and making no decisions whatsoever. Whom are we supposed to believe: those who say it is a life-threatening event? those who, by doing nothing much, state that it could be handled by business as usual? or those who say that the march of progress should go on, no matter what?

And yet a manifesto might not be so useless at this point, by making explicit (that is, manifest) a subtle but radical transformation in the definition of what it means to progress, that is, to process forward and meet new prospects. Not as a war cry for an avant-garde to go even further and faster ahead, but rather as a warning, a call to attention, so as to stop going further in the same way as before toward the future. The nuance I want to outline is rather that between progress and progressive. It is as if we had to move from an idea of inevitable progress to one of progressive, tentative and precautionary progression. It is still a movement. It is still going forward. But, as I will explain in the third section, the tenor is entirely different. And since it seems impossible to draft a manifesto without a word ending with an –ism (communism, futurism, surrealism, situationism, etc.), I have chosen, to give this manifesto a worthy banner, the word compositionism. Yes, I would like to be able to write “The Compositionist Manifesto” by reverting to an outmoded genre in the grand style of old, beginning by something like: “A specter haunts not only Europe but the world: that of compositionism. All the Powers of the Modernist World have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter!”.”

August 23, 2010
The Realtime Manifesto

“The architectural manifesto defined the modern era. Marinetti’s Futurist Manifesto started the ball rolling, and Adolph Loos’ Ornament and Crime, Corbusier’s Towards a New Architecture and De Stijl followed. All of these are recognized as being amongst the most important pieces of architectural writing of the last century. While it is tempting to think that we may be living in a golden age of manifesto writing now that anyone can start a blog, the carefully-considered architectural manifesto itself doesn’t fit the paradigm of network culture. As editor Justin McGuirk correctly observes in Icon magazine’s “Manifesto Issue” (Icon #50) that “in the early 21st century, there are as many potential manifestos as there are people.” A manifesto is something else entirely when instead of defining the rigid foundations of a movement it attempts to start or join a conversation.”

August 21, 2010

August 18, 2010
"Leaders who do not act dialogically, but insist on imposing their decisions, do not organize the people—they manipulate them. They do not liberate, nor are they liberated: they oppress."

— Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (via findingagency + lalilster + curate)

August 18, 2010
"Contrary to the Machiavellian cliché, nice people are more likely to rise to power. Then something strange happens: Authority atrophies the very talents that got them there."

Weekend Essay by Jonah Lehrer: How Power Affects Us - WSJ.com (via casuist)

August 8, 2010

I caught a glimpse of a promo for a new Ramadan show on Melody Drama called ‘Rebe3 Mshakel’ which included bizarre segments like:

and

Here is a “description” of the show I found on a blog:

تدور فكرة المسلسل حول مجموعة من الاسكتشات لشخصيات ثابتة يتفاعل معها المشاهد وراءها معني سياسي او اجتماعي وتقدم في شكل كوميدي ساخر من واقع المجتمع المصري .

الاحداث منفصلة متصلة مما يسهل علي المشاهد مشاهدة اي حلقة بسهولة في اي وقت دون الحاجة لمشاهدة الحلقات السابقة (via moheet)

Read that over a couple of times… it says nothing about the actual content of ‘Rebe3 Mshakel’, describing it only in the most generic way possible: “a selection of sketches involving regular characters that the viewer can relate to, behind which lies a political or social meaning, and presented in a comic manner satirizing Egyptian society”……..right.

There are two promotional videos posted on this page, but one of them (the one I’m interested in seeing) “has been removed by the user.”

I don’t know much about this program, but it’s kinda hard to shake off accusations of anti-semitism when you’re producing images like that……

July 26, 2010
easternblocparty:

redguard:

fuckyeahmarxismleninism:

Flag of Cuba’s 26th of July Movement



Every day should have a movement.

easternblocparty:

redguard:

fuckyeahmarxismleninism:

Flag of Cuba’s 26th of July Movement

Every day should have a movement.

July 22, 2010
via @tosk59’s blog

via @tosk59’s blog

July 21, 2010
"In this ethnographic study of formal hall ritual in Oxbridge Colleges, the authors show how this special form of dining plays a key role in organizational cohesion, demarcation, and continuity. Formal hall serves as a central organizing principle of the colleges, having social, political, and pedagogic facets."

Sustaining the Ivory Tower: Oxbridge Formal Dining as Organizational Ritual — Journal of Management Inquiry (via nogoodreason)

July 21, 2010
"I think that the liberal prohibition of enemies [in politics] has a very precise implication: If there are no true enemies, if there is no true struggle in politics, this means that those who really disagree are not simply our enemies, but are excluded from the very scope of humanity, so that anything goes against them. Paradoxically, the first step to recognizing the very humanity of the enemy, should be to fully accept the unavoidability of taking sides in politics. There is then no third place above the struggle."

— Slavoj Zizek, “The Uses and Misuses of Violence” seminar, Nunemaker Hall, Loyola University, Nov. 17, 2009 (via objet-a + theguywhoinventedfire)

July 21, 2010
"…Even the outdated, inconsistent, self-doubting ideas of the older generation are more open to dialogue than the slick stupidity of Junior. Even the neurotic oddities and deformities of our elders stand for character, for something humanly achieved, in comparison to pathic health, infantilism raised to the norm. One realizes with horror that earlier, opposing one’s parents because they represented the world, of one even worse. Unpolitical attempts to break out of the bourgeois family usually lead only to deeper entanglement in it, and it sometimes seems as if the fatal germ-cell of society, the family, were at the same time the nurturing germ-cell of uncompromising pursuit of another. With the family there passes away, while the system lasts, not only the most effective agency of the bourgeoisie, but also the resistance which, though repressing the individual, also strengthened, perhaps even produced him. The end of the family paralyses the forces of opposition. The rising collectivist order is a mockery of a classless one: together with the bourgeois it liquidates the Utopia that once drew sustenance from motherly love."

— T. Adorno, Minima Moralia: Reflections from Damaged Life (1951) (via theparasitichead + easternblocparty)

July 20, 2010
As seen in Ashrafieh

Beirut/NTSC is shocked to find an old swastika under the paint of a building in Ashrafieh.

But why do you always act surprised?

This was seen in Ashrafieh:

As was this:

Oh wait, let me go take a picture of sa7et Sassine for you.. BRB

July 20, 2010
"The history of European atheism, from its Greek and Roman origins in LucretiusDe rerum natura to modern classics like Spinoza, offers a lesson in dignity and courage. Much more than with occasional outbursts of hedonism, it is marked by the awareness of the bitter outcome of every human life, since there is no higher authority watching over our fates and guaranteeing the happy outcome. At the same time, atheists strive to formulate the message of joy which comes not from escaping reality, but from accepting it and creatively finding one’s place in it.

What makes this materialist tradition unique is the way it combines the humble awareness that we are not masters of the universe, but just parts of a much larger whole exposed to contingent twists of fate, with a readiness to accept the heavy burden of responsibility for what we make out of our lives. With the threat of unpredictable catastrophe looming from all sides, isn’t this an attitude needed more than ever in our own times? (…)

What makes modern Europe unique is that it is the first and only civilisation in which atheism is a fully legitimate option, not an obstacle to any public post. This is most emphatically a European legacy worth fighting for.” "

Slavoj ŽižekViolence. Six Sideways Reflections, London: Profile Books, 2008, pp. 117-118. (via msodradek + amiquote)